Heidi Crebo-Rediker on future-proofing your business amid geopolitical risks

Heidi Crebo-Rediker on future-proofing your business amid geopolitical risks

Joe Kornik sits down with Heidi Crebo-Rediker to discuss how business leaders can future-proof their business amid geopolitical risks. Credo-Rediker has held senior leadership positions in both in government and business, providing advice on geo-economics and international economic policy for two U.S. presidents. She is a former CEO and currently a Partner at International Capital Strategies, an Executive Vice President at America’s Frontier Fund, and an Adjunct Senior Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations.

In this interview:

1:28 – Why pay attention to geopolitical risk?

6:38 – Prioritizing of issues: A national security lens

11:11 – Integrating economics with geopolitics

14:10 – Public-private partnership: A Venn diagram

18:20 – The world in 2035 and beyond


Read transcript

Heidi Crebo-Rediker on future-proofing your business amid geopolitical risks

Joe Kornik: Welcome to the VISION by Protiviti interview. I’m Joe Kornik, Editor-in-Chief of VISION by Protiviti, our global content resource examining big themes that will impact the C-suite and executive boardrooms worldwide. Today, we’re supporting the future of government, and I’m thrilled to welcome in Heidi Crebo-Rediker. Heidi has held senior leadership positions in both government and business, providing advice on geo-economics and international economic policy for two U.S. presidents. She served on the Biden Treasury Department transition team as lead on internation affairs, and previously in the Obama Administration as the state department’s first chief economist, where she provided guidance to two secretaries of state on the intersection of finance and geopolitics. She is a former CEO and currently a partner at International Capital Strategies, an executive vice president at America’s frontier fund, and an adjunct senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations. Heidi, thank you so much for joining me today.

Heidi Crebo-Rediker: Thank you so much for the invitation to join you.

Kornik: Heidi, you have such a unique background with extensive public and private sector experience on a global scale. So, your perspective here will be really valuable, I think. We’d all agree that we’re in a pretty tumultuous time right now, and navigating that, I think, will be challenging. So, what’s your advice to business leaders for future-proofing their business against geopolitical risks and sort of disruption that’s sort of happening all around us right now?

Crebo-Rediker: So, that is a great question, Joe. I guess my first piece of advice would be if you are not paying attention to geopolitical, and I would extend to political risk, this can impact your business, and now is the time to start. I guess the second point I would make, piece of advice, is to be proactive. If you’re going to future-proof, you need to be proactive and not reactive. Scenario plan and make it the job of the board and the management. This is something that outside of government I’ve been doing for the past 10 years or so with International Capital Strategies. It’s a healthy exercise.

So, just going back to the first point on why? Why pay attention? When we came out of COVID, we are facing a hot war in Europe, in the Middle East, and both took place very, very quickly. It took a lot of companies and countries by surprise, and there have been big ramifications for supply chains and commodity prices and energy security and transition, insurance costs, and relationships between companies and countries as a result. Again, we’re also facing tension in the South China Sea, in the Taiwan Straits, and we are deep into arising strategic competition between the U.S. and China. So, the result is really, there’s some big structural changes that we’re already seeing in the flows of goods and capital and trade relationships, and this architecture is going to continue to change. It’s playing out now and it will play out over the next decade.

We all know that concentration risk makes companies vulnerable and resilience and diversification of supply chains and of service providers can actually lessen the blow. Conflicts not only result in sudden disruptions, but they also can be followed on with sanctions and export controls and investment restrictions and the like. So, these are forced reactions. I think that brings me to my second point, which is that you can get ahead of this. In being proactive and not reactive. The way that I would recommend doing this is really to scenario plan. You can’t really model for geopolitical risk. It involves looking into the future and looking around corners and being smart about the way you plan for the different scenarios of what could happen. Then you can start to prepare how your company would respond to each one. I think scenarios are powerful tools. They should be a habit, not just a one-off event. It’s a good habit because it enables you to challenge conventional wisdom and really protect both the board and management against groupthink.

I think scenario planning is not new. If you go back to Shell and the famous Shell scenarios, they’ve been doing this since the 1970s. Just developing visions of the future. I think because they’ve been dealing with geopolitical risks for a long time, it’s something that they’ve become very good at.

I would take the example of Russia’s brutal invasion of Ukraine. Most countries and companies really didn’t anticipate that Russia would invade Ukraine beyond the invasion of 2014. It was a real massive failure of imagination and planning for the unthinkable because there was a lot of signals in that, in that noise running up until the invasion. We were paying attention to it because the signals were very clear and we flagged that the invasion was imminent. Imagine the ramifications and the clients that we were working with got, to the best of their ability, their investments and also their people out. It’s really also, I think, a study in how both European countries and companies became overly dependent, eyes closed. They developed a vulnerable overdependence on Russia for energy. There was huge concentration risk. There was no scenario plan that this would happen. It was captured by groupthink and I think that’s what you want to try to avoid as a company.

It begins with the board. Integrating geopolitical risk and how you determine what spillovers and disruptions may occur and embed it into the oversight mandate. You do need board members, or at least advisors with the right background who can ask the right questions. It’s a lot about asking the right questions.

Kornik: As I mentioned, you served on the Biden Treasury Department transition team as lead on international affairs, helping build the sort of international economic policy team, crafting policy on economic security, China policy, supply chain resilience, as you mentioned, trade, energy, the IMF and more. I bring all those up because they’re all still, I think, really big issues right now. Which of those issues will require the most attention and action over the next several years and how should we be addressing them?

Crebo-Rediker: So, I think all of those areas and issues are important. I think maybe a more helpful exercise is to look at those issues through a framework or a prism. The prism I would choose is that national security is trumping commercial and economic interest, and that is the world in which we live right now. It’s not just the U.S. This is something that is very clear, the prism that China is using. The prism that Russia is using. Increasingly, you’re seeing countries, Japan, you’re seeing many countries in Europe actually looking at, taking a look through the national security prism. This plays out in supply chain resilience, in trade, in energy and energy security, and even through IMF programs. I think most clearly, it’s playing out in U.S.-China policy. We have better mood music right now. The direction of travel is quite clear regardless of who is going to be in the White House come January of next year. But, right now, I would not be as much distracted by the mood music and think about what the general trajectory of the relationship is. On the back of that trajectory, the U.S. has really reconfigured a lot of its economic security relationships. If you look at the Indo-Pacific, there’s new architecture that we’re creating with allies, likeminded countries. We’re creating new kind of sectoral partnerships, like the minerals, security partnership. It’s really focused on how the government, the U.S. government, is looking at its own supply chain resilience. Critical minerals and metals are necessary for energy transition and energy security, and they have defense applications as well. So again, it’s the national security prism.

The other thing I would say is there’s a potential for forced decoupling that could come about as part of the defensive agenda that countries have. The U.S., the G7, other likeminded countries, and it’s for several reasons. As I mentioned, we’re guarding against our own strategic vulnerability. Because we’ve also seen over the past, more than a decade, that China is a master of weaponization, of overdependence, and it’s part of their strategy. So, we need to be thinking like that as well. It’s not just critical minerals and metals. It’s also we have overdependence in pharmaceutical products. What we’ve seen with the Russian invasion is that we had overdependence on various types of food commodities, and so we saw food shocks.

The second is that I think we’re going to see a lot more protecting of strategic advantage. The U.S., we’ve already, we’ve seen for several years into the protection and increasing protection of critical and emerging technologies. I think this is a trend. I think there’s more to come. The White House has been very clear. It’s about advanced computing and microelectronics, quantum, artificial intelligence, and also, on their list, biotechnologies and biomanufacturing, and think about broadband. There are many different categories that we might want to be thinking about where we want to be protecting national security and how that might play out in commerce.

Kornik: Right. Right, and that sort of leads me right into my next question, which I mentioned in the intro that you served in the Obama Administration as the state department’s first Chief Economist where you provided strategic advice to Secretaries of State on the integration of economics and finance with geopolitics, right? I think that’s something that a lot of business leaders are sort of struggling with right now. So, what strategic advice would you give business leaders trying to sort of successfully navigate that integration between finance and economics with geopolitics?

Crebo-Rediker: So, one of the things, and looking back at that experience at the state department, you got to get out of your silo and make silo-crossing something that is part of an institutional culture. Because we live in a very complicated world, and convergence is a theme that we’re really seeing everywhere. In a time of rapid convergence, you don’t want to be stuck in a silo. So, institutionalizing, that is actually critical. That’s what we did at the state department for economic state craft. You had a department that was filled with immensely talented professionals that have deep national security talent. The idea was really to get them and encourage them to think differently about some of the economic and financial drivers of power and also of change that had implications for foreign policy across the institution. That included, at the time, financial crises, the rise of non-market state actors and the impact on global commerce.

At that time, we also were looking at the weaponization of energy and pipeline politics. So there were sort of those things that had clear national security implications. Then we also were thinking about the rise of economic tools. How can we create opportunity and sort of have a development of a positive economic statecraft, enterprise funds, as well as some of the more coercive tools like sanctions. We brought a lot of new talent in, but also it was really about getting everybody to think a little bit differently, getting them out of their comfort zones and crossing siloes.

I think the state department’s actually doing that right now with critical and emerging technology. Same thing that businesses are doing, society is doing. The tech innovation as a source of national power for the U.S., it’s increasingly foundational. So, every bilateral relationship and multilateral relationship, and every functional issue that the state department deals with, from climate change to human rights or arms control, there’s definitely a technology element that’s growing. So, business leaders need to drive the silo-crossing as an institutional priority. Bring in new talent, new perspective, and then this will feed back better into scenario planning.

Kornik: Right, right. You have such a unique perspective because you do have such vast experience in both the business world and the government world. Sort of the public and the private sector. How do you see those two most effectively interacting and intersecting in the future? What does the public-private sector Venn diagram, if you will, what does that look like?

Crebo-Rediker: The Venn diagram—I like that. I like the visual. I think the public-private sector Venn diagram is changing very quickly and it’s increasing the overlap between public and private. It’s ever more important. It’s directly related to what we’ve already discussed. I think it’s really, it’s the flipside and it’s the opportunity side, that industrial policy with all of the challenges that come along with managing that appropriately really presents the biggest opportunity. The opportunity that we see in the United States is this enormous invested home and with trusted partners because you’re looking at strategic resilience, not only with the U.S. but with allies and partners.

This investment is going to be ramping up over the next five to 10 years. I don’t think we’ve internalized, really, the scale and the ambition that these instruments and this funding is actually going to provide for the companies. Most importantly, interacting with the government with shared objectives. We can’t really do this the same way that a country like China would, because our strategic advantage really is our capital markets, our private investors, our innovative capacity that we see coming from companies. So, a lot of the programs that are industrial policy in nature are really designed to catalyze and take advantage of this private sector ability to innovate and invest.

The U.S. isn’t always—I mean, the government isn’t always the first place that you would think of to actually want to do business or better your investment strategy, but there are a lot of opportunities in this on-shoring and friend-shoring initiative. We see it’s not just in the U.S. We’re seeing this happen in the EU. We’re seeing it happen in Japan, and it’s a combination of using subsidies and tax incentives and grants and subsidized loans and loan guarantees and credit enhancements and sort of all the tools we can put in the toolbox. The approach has been one where it’s ecosystems and hubs. You can look at the way that the U.S. is trying to roll out some of these funds in the hydrogen space, in the computing space, quantum space. It’s a really different approach than anything we’ve done in the past.

There is a huge, huge investment, a big boost in investment in basic scientific research. Really the biggest that we’ve seen in the past 70 years. If you’re looking to invest abroad, developing markets are very highly supported through a new and expanded U.S. development finance corporation. They use a lot of the same instruments I just talked about but they also make direct equity investments, and that’s something very different when you look at the Venn diagram concept. U.S. direct investment in equity is something that we really, we haven’t seen particularly outside of the U.S. So, I guess there’d be—there will be tensions about how this Venn diagram grows and managing industrial policy in a market economy, but I think it really—it’s not only necessary but I think it’s a trend to watch if this is going to end up growing over time.

Kornik: Yes, very interesting. That brings me to my last question. I think I might have heard a little bit of optimism in there, so I’m excited about that. First of all, thank you for your time today. You’ve been very generous with your time. I’m going to leave you with one final question, and I’m going to ask you if you’re optimistic that we’ll get this right. Are you optimistic that we’ll be living in a better world, let’s say, a decade from now? Take me out to 2035 and tell sort of what you see for the planet.

Crebo-Rediker: So, a decade from now, I would say on balance, with the right checks and balances. I see us living in a more dangerous, but I would say, overall, a better world. Given that you’re talking about 2035, I actually, I’m most hopeful because I think that the younger generation inheriting these challenges and opportunities is really well-placed to take the baton and move forward and make the most optimistic outcome that we could envision.

I’m, by nature, an optimist. I start there and I actually see this particularly in technology and innovation and the velocity of change.

What we’ll see between now and 2035, you have to really use your wildest imagination. We’ll see a revolution in drug development, in healthcare delivery, in education and manufacturing. We might see huge scientific breakthroughs in how to tackle climate change. So I think the innovation’s really boundless and I think it’s been democratized in terms of its accessibility to unlock human potential even with younger people right now leading the way.

That’s if we get it right. So, you can’t not look at the downside because the downside risks are pretty daunting. Particularly given our topic today, which is geopolitical risk. The potential for these risks to be exacerbated and for technology, in particular, to change the future of warfare, autonomous warfare, accelerate weapons of mass destruction and divide societies. The world is filled with bad actors, both state and non-state actors, and they have unparalleled access to data and to cyberweapons. We’re already capable of shutting down critical infrastructure. So, this is not necessarily even looking 10 years down the future, but you just have to project where this could go. So, again, ending on an optimistic note, because I do think that on balance we will end with a better future, but we have to manage the downside risks.

Kornik: Right. Well, Heidi, thank you so much for your time today. I really enjoyed our conversation. Thanks so much for those insights.

Crebo-Rediker: Thank you for the invitation this week.

Kornik: Thank you for watching the VISION by Protiviti interview. On behalf of Heidi Crebo-Rediker, I’m Joe Kornik, we’ll see you next time.

Close transcript

ABOUT

Heidi Crebo-Rediker
Partner
International Capital Strategies

Former Chief Economist at the U.S. State Department, Heidi Crebo-Rediker has held senior leadership positions at the intersection of national security, international finance, geopolitics and policy, both in government and business. She provided advice on geo-economics and international economic policy, financial markets and infrastructure finance to two previous presidential campaigns and served on the Biden Treasury Department Transition team as lead on international affairs through January 2021. She also served in the Obama Administration as the State Department’s first Chief Economist where she provided guidance to two Secretaries of State on the integration of economics and finance with geopolitics to help craft and launch “Economic Statecraft.” Currently, she is General Partner and Executive Vice President at America’s Frontier Fund, as well as an Adjunct Senior Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations.

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Digitizing democracy: Former Estonian president on how e-government saved a struggling country

Digitizing democracy: Former Estonian president on how e-government saved a struggling country

Toomas Ilves was president of Estonia from 2006 to 2016. He is renowned for making Estonia one of the most digitally advanced nations through innovative policies that invested heavily in the future. He is recognized as a global public sector digital transformation pioneer. Born in Sweden to Estonian refugees and raised in the United States, Ilves moved to Munich in 1984 to work for Radio Free Europe. He served as Estonia’s ambassador to the United States and Canada as well as Estonia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, successfully steering Estonia into the EU and NATO in 2004. Since leaving office in 2016, he’s been chair of the World Economic Forum’s Global Futures Council on Blockchain Technology and speaks to world leaders about the digitization of government and public services.


ABOUT

Toomas Ilves
Former President
Republic of Estonia

Toomas Ilves was President of Estonia from 2006-2016. He is a global public sector digital transformation pioneer, Chair of the World Economic Forum’s Global Futures Council on Blockchain Technology. Ilves is renowned for making Estonia one of the most digitally advanced nations through innovative policies that invested heavily in the future. Born to Estonian refugees and raised in the United States, he holds a BA from Columbia University and a MA from the University of Pennsylvania. He moved to Munich in 1984 to work as analyst and researcher for Radio Free Europe. From 1993-96 he served as Estonia’s ambassador to the United States. As Estonia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, he successfully steered Estonia into the EU and NATO in 2004. Since leaving office, he’s been speaking to world leaders about the digitization of governance and public services as well as advising the World Health Organization - Europe on technological solutions to Covid-19 and cross-border health.

The need to digitize Estonia became clear to me in 1993—a year and a half after Estonia re-established its independence after 50 years of foreign occupation that left the country mired in poverty and backwardness. I believed digitization was ultimately the key to national development, both economic and social, of an impoverished country. Secondly, I realized that digitization, if done right, could be the great equalizer. It could help overcome the inherent problems of scale, or lack of it, in a rather small country, even by European standards.

The development aspect was simply a result of the damage done by the half century of military occupation of Estonia by the Soviets and Nazi Germany. Between mass repressions, harebrained economics and the suppression of initiative and freedom, countries throughout the communist bloc had stagnated, falling ever more behind as the liberal democracies of the West raced ahead. The newly democratic countries found themselves little more than developing countries when they re-emerged between 1989 and 1991.

Economic realities

The Cambridge Economic History of Modern Europe (Volume 2) contains a bar graph showing that in 1938, the last year before the onset of World War II, Estonia had a higher GDP per capita than Finland. In 1992, the first full year after the re-establishment of independence, Estonia’s GDP per capita was $2,800 U.S. dollars (USD). Our Northern neighbour was $23,800 USD, eight times higher.

Not only did the problem lie in a poor economy, low wages, and all of the unbuilt or shoddy, substandard infrastructure that was the legacy underdevelopment under Soviet occupation, Estonia also faced, like all undeveloped or developing countries, a particularly acute form of Zeno’s paradox of the race between Achilles and the tortoise. Whenever Achilles reached where the tortoise was, the tortoise had moved ahead. This is the problem poor countries face with economic growth. A spectacular annual growth rate of, say, 10% in Estonia would increase the country’s GDP per capita just $280 USD, while an anaemic 2% growth rate in Finland would yield an increase of $476 USD per capita.

While Western and Northern Europe had in the intervening half century continuously grown by leaps and bounds and led Eastern Europe by decades, occupied Estonia had remained stagnant. The question was, how could a poor, underdeveloped country grow quickly? How could Estonia level the playing field? How could it make up for a 50-year disadvantage?

The solution became apparent to me in 1993 when Mosaic, the first web browser, was introduced while I was Estonia's ambassador to the United States. Sir Tim Berners Lee had invented HTTP four years earlier, yet it was difficult to use. But when I bought (yes, bought!) Mosaic’s five floppy discs from my local Radio Shack in Washington, DC and uploaded them to my computer, I discovered the World Wide Web—and a new world, although at the time still limited, opened up for me.

Between mass repressions, harebrained economics and the suppression of initiative and freedom, countries throughout the communist bloc had stagnated, falling ever more behind as the liberal democracies of the West raced ahead. The newly democratic countries found themselves little more than developing countries when they re-emerged between 1989 and 1991.

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Estonia's Parliament building
Toompea Castle, which houses the Parliament of Estonia. Credit: Getty Images.

An opportunity emerges

Far more important, however, was the realization that the World Wide Web had arrived and brought with it the opportunity for a country like Estonia to compete on a level playing field. The internet was so undeveloped at the time, but it had so much potential. So what if the U.S. or Germany were criss-crossed by eight-lane interstate highways and six-lane Autobahns and modern infrastructure? In 1993, all of us stood at the same starting position when it came to the internet. This was the moment when I began to press the Estonian government to pay serious attention to digitization.

A second source of inspiration to push the government to invest in digitization came from a book by Jeremy Rifkind, The End of Work, which argued that computerization would cause wide-spread unemployment when computers would eventually do the work of humans. Rifkind wrote of a Kentucky steel mill, which before automatization employed some 12,000 people. After automatization, Rifkind says the plant needed only 120 employees to produce the same amount of steel.

While this indeed may have been a problem in some sectors in the U.S., for Estonia and its tiny population of about 1.5 million size had always been a source of anxiety. Yet here was a solution: Through digitization done properly, size could become far less relevant a factor. If it digitized, Estonia could dramatically increase its functional size, if not its numerical size.

Fortunately, and promoted by then minister of education, Jaak Aaviksoo, the government adopted the Tiger Leap program, meant to bring access to computers as well as connectivity to all school districts. It launched in 1996, and by 1998 all schools in Estonia had computer labs and were already online. As the internet spread through societies and countries around the world, it had become clear to Estonian IT thinkers and developers that if we wanted to make the internet more than a place to shop from home, the system needed to be far more secure and manageable to the average Estonian.

Security, security, security

Obviously, the first issue was security. There’s a 1991 New Yorker cartoon where a dog sitting at a computer says to another dog, “On the internet, no one knows you’re a dog.” Already in the late 1990s, the standard e-mail-address-plus-password login system used to this day in most commercial online transactions was understood to be insecure and thus insufficient for any government or public service functions. Instead, we would need to offer two-factor authentication and end-to-end encryption, tied to a population registry that would ensure each person had a unique online identity. As a result, no one could impersonate you and you could trust the site you connected to.

for Estonia and its tiny population of about 1.5 million, size had always been a source of anxiety. Yet here was a solution: Through digitization done properly, size could become far less relevant a factor. If it digitized, Estonia could dramatically increase its functional size, if not its numerical size.

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An image of a padlock superimposed on a broken plate

A second security issue was database architecture. Long before the 2015 Office of Personnel Management hack in the U.S. that saw the records of 23 million past and present employees, all stored in a single database, siphoned out by a foreign actor (including addresses and even the psychological profiles of CIA employees), Estonia opted for a distributed data exchange layer created at Tartu University. We call it the X-road, and it allows for data exchange between databases—regardless of format, platform, operating system or language—safely and securely as each transaction requires secure identification and/or authentication, with all transactions logged. The X-road is currently used in some 25 countries around the world today. It is an open-source platform that the Estonian government gives away for free to other governments to use and is now administered by an international non-profit called Nordic Institute for Interoperability Solutions (NIIS).

A final security aspect of the Estonian system deals with data integrity. While attention in digitization has been focused almost exclusively on data privacy, a far more important security issue is data integrity. If someone accesses and publishes my blood type, private correspondence, or my bank account, it is a violation of privacy, embarrassing perhaps but not dangerous. If someone alters my blood type record, correspondence or bank account, it is a violation of data integrity and can have fatal consequences. This is an aspect of digitization too few governments have addressed, unfortunately. Since 2008, all critical national and private data in Estonia (for example, healthcare records, court proceedings and property registries) have been on a permissioned blockchain using Keyless Signature Infrastructure, or KSI.

E-government problems…and solutions

The failure of the largest—and richest—Western countries to proceed with digitization amazes me. This was most starkly brought home to me after leaving office in 2016, when I moved to Stanford University to what is considered the capital of IT, Silicon Valley. Within a short drive from my office, you could find the headquarters of Tesla, Apple, Google, Facebook, YouTube and other billion-dollar companies.

Yet, when I tried to register my daughter to go to school, I found myself back in the paper world of the 1950s. I needed to take my electricity bill, both of our passports, something called a DS-2019 form certifying that I taught at Stanford, and my daughter’s paper vaccination certificates. After driving to the Board of Education headquarters, taking a number (literally), and waiting for 20 minutes, I was finally called to register her. The woman took all the papers, photocopied them for some fifteen minutes, returned all the documents and proceeded to fill out some forms by hand, taking all the relevant information from the photocopied documents.

This, in the citadel of the digital world in one of the wealthiest countries in the world. In Estonia, this would have taken 30 seconds. Why is this?

Americans are feeling increasingly “concerned, confused, and feeling lack of control over their personal information,” a recent Pew Research Center study concluded.

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rows of hanging paper files

The first answer is fear of digital identity. For some reason, the U.S., like Germany, Japan and the UK, seems paralyzed by an irrational fear of a digital identity. People have driver’s licenses, social security cards and any number of other identity documents but for some reason, the government does not offer secure digital identities, even 20 years after Estonia pioneered the effort. (The U.S. Department of Defense introduced two-factor authentication for its employees 12 years after Estonia did for its citizens.)

Which gets to the biggest issue governments face in digitization: political will. It is easier and politically less risky to continue to live in the slow and inconvenient world of paper than in the digital world. After all, if you have never experienced the alternative, why change? As long as governments are afraid to offer citizens a secure digital identity, they will remain stuck in the previous centuries where only paper mattered.

Another obstacle to overcome: Thinking hardware is digitization. When a country does decide to digitize its government and public services, leaders too often think it is merely a matter of buying stuff: computers, servers, data banks and more. Just let some engineers hook it all up, and we’re digital. No! That is simply the hardware of the digital world.

If you want to digitize how the government serves its citizens, you need to think of the software, both literal and figurative. Laws are the software of society. So is the culture. How do you match up your digitization efforts with your legal system or with the cultural assumptions of your populace? What information should be private (medical records), what can be semi-private (tax records in your home country), and what can be public (property records in Estonia)?

Not a one-size-fits-all approach

Digitization is not a one-size-fits-all process. Advisors and experts may tell you that you need this kind of system or software, but digitization is never a turnkey project where all the work is done for you, as if you were building a bridge or a tunnel. It requires the active participation of all the key stakeholders—political leaders, lawmakers, public servants—to ensure the effort is appropriate for the culture and legal system of a country. There is no one-size-fits-all solution.

Finally, to effectively digitize a country, leaders need to realize how revolutionary it can be. Digitization will completely re-order how governance works as well as how to think about government. For as long as humans have lived in states, bureaucracies have been needed to run them. Yet, since bureaucracies (or just “governance”) were invented some 5,000 years ago, they have always operated as a serial or sequential process: A paper (or papyrus or parchment) is filled out, handed in, scrutinized, registered and approved…or not. And then proceeds to the next office.

For some reason, the U.S., like Germany, Japan and the UK, seems paralyzed by an irrational fear of a digital identity. People have driver’s licenses, social security cards and any number of other identity documents but for some reason, the government does not offer secure digital identities, even 20 years after Estonia pioneered the effort.

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closeup of a boy's face superimposed with Estonian colors

With the digitization of governance and government services, the mechanisms of running a country can be made a parallel process whereby the steps necessary to run the country occur simultaneously. Just to give one example: When a child is born in a paper-based society, it is typically up to the newborn’s parent to run a gauntlet of registering the birth, getting a birth certificate, obtaining health insurance, etc. In parallel processing, all of this can be done in one step since all these processes occur simultaneously.

Or to take a more odious example, there is no need to get one’s employer to mail you a copy of your annual wages or to calculate your deductions based on the number of children you have. All of this can be done more efficiently with digitization, leaving citizens to pursue more productive activities while the government itself works more efficiently, thus saving the tax-payer money.

And who wouldn’t want more efficiency and additional cost savings? In Estonia, we realized both cost-saving and time-saving for both citizens and government employees. We also saw an uptake in the use of services by citizens, including our e-voting system. In the last parliamentary elections, more than half—53%—of votes were cast electronically. Digitization strengthens democracy; we expect that number to grow over time.

We’re long past the point where digitization makes sense and are at a moment in time where it is essential to provide the services that are required in the modern world. When it comes to e-government, it’s time for the rest of the world to catch up to Estonia. The countries that do digitize their systems and services—and do it correctly—will realize the benefits and efficiencies all citizens deserve.  

In the last parliamentary elections, more than half—53%—of votes were cast electronically. Digitization strengthens democracy; we expect that number to grow over time.

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Digital expert: Metadata and ID keys to unlocking e-government

Digital expert: Metadata and ID keys to unlocking e-government

In this VISION by Protiviti interview, Ghislaine Entwisle, Protiviti Managing Director and leader in the Technology Consulting and Business Performance Improvement practice, interviews Dr. Ian Oppermann about e-government, AI, digital ID, the equity gap and more. Oppermann is co-founder of ServiceGen, a firm that helps global governments achieve digital transformation. He is also an Industry Professor at the University of Technology, Sydney, and is considered an expert on the digital economy. Prior to co-founding ServiceGen, Oppermann was Chief Data Scientist for the New South Wales government.

In this interview:

1:15 – ServiceGen and scaling the NSW e-government model

2:36 – Government-specific digital challenges

4:50 – Use cases, AI and the digital divide

7:52 – Digital identity vs. personal data

12:10 – Ten years out—"data as electricity"


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Digital expert: Metadata and ID keys to unlocking e-government

Joe Kornik: Welcome to the VISION by Protiviti interview. I’m Joe Kornik, Editor-in-Chief of VISION by Protiviti, our global content resource examining big themes that will impact the C-suite and executive boardrooms worldwide. Today, we’re exploring the future government and we’re joined by Dr. Ian Oppermann, cofounder of ServiceGen, a firm that helps global governments achieve digital transformation. He’s an industry professor at the University of Technology Sydney and is considered an expert on the digital economy. Prior to cofounding ServiceGen, Ian was chief data scientist for the New South Wales government. I’ll be turning over the interviewing today to my Protiviti colleague, Ghislaine Entwisle, managing director and leader in the Technology Consulting and Business Performance Improvement practice.

Ghislaine, I’ll turn it over to you to begin.

Ghislaine Entwisle: Thanks, Joe. It’s wonderful to be here with you again, Ian, and talking about a great topic today.

Ian Oppermann: Great. Great to be here. Thanks, Ghislaine.

Entwisle: Ian, you spent many years helping radically transformed government services in New South Wales by building the state’s digital capabilities to deliver excellence. Now, you’ve shifted to a new endeavor called ServiceGen, which is aiming to help global governments do the same thing. Can you tell us a little bit about why ServiceGen and its potential impact?

Oppermann: Yes. Thanks, Ghislaine. Yes, it was a very long time in government, eight-and-a-half years in total. It feels just like a moment when I think about it now.

Now, ServiceGen, the tagline for ServiceGen is Government Services Profoundly Reimagined, and it really is trying to take all of that transformational activity that we did in New South Wales, bottle it, and point it towards other jurisdictions. Some of that transformation was about greater customer service. Some of it’s around greater personalization. Some of it was just around making government easier to access. Of course, it’s all underpinned by data, digital, and, in some cases, identity. The ServiceGen offering really is the New South Wales model but adapted and redirected in other jurisdictions, and hopefully it helps other jurisdictions get through the really hard part of that transformation because very often they just don’t know where to start.

Entwisle: That’s very exciting indeed and no doubt, there’s demand for that service globally. What do you see are the main issues that governments are struggling with as they go digital on that journey and equally, what are the biggest impediments to e-government and how can governments overcome that?

Oppermann: That’s a really, really big question and that is, in fact, why we got the whole ServiceGen activity kicked off. Very, very often, people expect their engagement to government to look like their engagement with their bank or with a social media platform with any now very truly natively digital service offering, and governments struggled to do that. Partly, it’s legacy. Partly, it’s the cautiousness of government, but partly, it’s the fact that it’s different. Government is different. It’s not optional to deal with government. You have to, in many, many different ways. That technical debt, that legacy, that conservatism all roll up into the need for pretty profound transformation attitudes and technology and in terms of capability.

Also, the way of thinking about doing government, very often governments get elected promising transformation and then they get into government and realize just how complex the whole system actually is, how many parts there are, how many dependencies there are, how much technical debt there is. Part of the challenge is just the reality of what’s already in place and the fact that if you’re going to transform, you still have to keep delivering essential services—in some cases, really genuinely essential services—wanting to do that transformation. There’s a lot of elements to pointing or redirecting the ship in terms of transitioning to e-government or transitioning to more personal.

There’s also the challenge that there’s a lot of interconnecting factors related to the different parts of government trying to work together. If you deal with your favorite online provider, you expect them to understand you when you’re a customer or when you’re raising a complaint or you’re paying a bill. There are so many different parts of government that when you engage with health or transport or education, it’s very, very difficult for those different parts to come together. Government genuinely is different but people expect that same sort of personalized experience when engaging with government.

Entwisle: On that note then, artificial intelligence and how does that impact these issues that governments are struggling with?

Oppermann: Yes. Thanks, Ghislaine. It’s still a very, very hot topic and it has been almost—in fact, it has been more than two years now since we were all taken aback by what the new generative AI could do—but now governments are actually starting to find really powerful use cases. Those powerful use cases broadly come down to personalized delegations, so making sense of all the complexity that’s out there and intelligent summarization. I think it’s still now quite a long way to go in terms of process automation, joining together processes that don’t quite fit together, and there’s normally a human being in the middle there somewhere as a necessary step. We are starting to see more of those use cases actually come to light and be deployed, and there’s still, of course, also the really cutting-edge use cases in New South Wales of course, there’s a whole lot of work that’s being done around use of AI for image recognition, for things like are people wearing seatbelts? There’s the work that’s being done around health, around wound management. There are still those really cutting-edge cases but the main office and back office work is increasingly becoming more mainstream as people try, test and learn and start to join together some of those disjoint processes or start to do some of the work around making sense of large amounts of disparate information.

Entwisle: Yes. That’s really interesting. Do you also find that as governments become more sophisticated in their use of technology that—what impact does this have on the digital divide between citizens, countries, even continents? Do you think that e-government can close the equity gap?

Oppermann: That’s a really, really good question. My initial response would be yes, absolutely, it will help close the gap because it means more people could get more personalized services targeted at them. The reality, of course, is there’s always a proportion of society who either will not or cannot be on the other side of that digital divide, so there are people who don’t work online, can’t do online, don’t have connectivity. They just don’t feel comfortable engaging in a digital world. It’s interesting. I think it makes the divide more obvious. It makes the divide more clearly defined, and I think there’s a proportion of the community we always need to bring along in non-digital ways.

Having said that, for the majority of people, I think currently it’s looking good. It’s looking like more services get delivered to more people in a more joined up personalized way, but that’s all dependent on some pretty important things like identity and systems connected to other systems actually working together in a seamless way. I think the jury is still out.

Entwisle: Yes, fair enough. It’s good to be optimistic but as you said, a number of challenges to overcome to get there. As we move towards a more digitalized government environment, you mentioned a little bit about identity. How concerned should we be about the government’s ability to protect data? The private sector, as we know, have had their fair share of struggles with cybersecurity issues. Are you confident that global governments might get that part right?

Oppermann: You’ve touched on what I think is the most important issue about all of the digital government, all the digital everything, and that’s what do we do with the data? How do we protect the data? We need to stop thinking about building data sets in the way we did in the 20th century. It’s not a relational data set that all comes together in one big blob. It’s really important that we stop thinking about that. It’s really important that we start to think instead about identity, which is a form of data, identity being managed by individuals in a Web3 sort of way as opposed to building a honeypot data set where you credential yourself at some level against that data set. If we build honeypot data sets, we will continue to have the sort of breaches that we saw last year and the year before, and then we’ll accelerate and it will become actually much, much more significant as we put more of our services into the digital world. We need to think about data fabrics, we need to think about virtualization, and we need to think about people hanging on to their own credentials and allowing people, governments, to say does A equal B rather than tell me what A is or tell me what B is? Is A greater than B? Is A less than B, rather than actually revealing those underlying components? That sounds really simple but it actually means that we need to turn our thinking inside out, and it’s not just in one system. If all these systems connect together, so you have your seamless engagement with government, all the systems need to start that transformation.

I think there are good arguments for doing it differently. Increasingly, there are good tools, frameworks, and even standards for doing things differently, but we really have to shake ourselves out of this 20th-century thinking.

Entwisle: Yes, absolutely. That honeypot approach should be in the past and the more governments move out of it, the better. Australia is in the process of rolling out the digital ID which as we understand it includes facial verification technology and also liveness detection. Can you explain a bit about how this will work and what really are the key advantages of that technology usage?

Oppermann: Yes. It’s a really important step, and facial verification is different from facial recognition. Facial verification is, are you the person that’s being put up as being you? Can we actually verify that it’s you? As opposed to who is this person who’s staring at the camera? That’s a really important distinction because it means that you’re using your biometrics to unlock information that you should have access to through verification. The liveness test is simply try to avoid that simple spoof where you can say, “Well, here’s a photo of someone or he’s me with a mask, and I look something like that person,” and unlock the liveness test prove that you’re real, prove that you’re animate, prove that you’re somewhere in context that you should be when you try to do this verification.

It’s a really important step forward because it does mean that you’ve got a really powerful and unique way of identifying yourself. It’s better than a signature. It’s better than, in most cases, a flat document, static document because you are real and you’re alive and you are the bearer of your identity. Potentially, it means that far more sensitive and personal services can be accessed in a simple intuitive way through this way of representing yourself in digital identity. The important thing about all of that, of course, is you’ve got this powerful key to unlock. It absolutely needs to be powerfully determined that that really is you when you registered in the system in the first place. If we get that right, then there’s a whole lot of really intuitive access to services that we will unlock, pardon the pun, through use of all that sort of biometric verification.

Entwisle: Yes, fantastic. Thank you for talking us through it. If we fast forward into the future, maybe a decade out, let’s say 2035, where do you envisage we will be on this journey, the journey towards digital government services, and how do we get there? Do you have any bold predictions to share with the audience?

Oppermann: It’s really, this is exercise of what does the world look like in 10 years out, this exercise of talking about what the world looks like 10 years out is something we’ve been doing for quite some time, and it’s really interesting that you say 2035 or 2034 as a decade out. Time really seems to be ticking away. A lot has happened in the last five years or 10 years, a lot has happened. We’ve really started to realize the value of data or digital, but we still got some fundamentals that we need to sort out. We still need to treat data as well and as carefully as we treat electricity. We still need to wrap our heads around all of the effort and frameworks and tools we need to deploy in order to safely and appropriately unlock the genuine value of data.

Ten years out, I hope, fingers crossed, 10 years out, I hope we’ve actually sorted out the fact that data is not just something to play around in Excel spreadsheet on your laptop. Data is actually something you need to take really seriously if we’re to use it in a general way. Data has an infinite number of uses for everybody and in many, many different contexts. Every single bit of data needs to come with information about where it came from, how it got to you, its fitness for the purpose you want to be able to use it for, and after you use it, the data product needs to come with guidance restrictions or prohibitions. All of that is metadata. All of that metadata or all those frameworks are ultimately the safety standards, just like electricity, the safety standards we need to put in place in order to appropriately use data for those infinite possible future use cases.

My bold prediction is that in 10 years’ time, we’ll have realized, that we have put the tools in place. We’ll be sailing along with all these incredible uses of data and data-driven tools such as AI. We’ll be doing amazing things. We’ll have personalized health. We’ll have all these incredible applications we’ve dreamed about for so long, and we’ll be doing it safely because we finally have invested in that fundamental infrastructure associated with data.

Entwisle: Yes. That’s fantastic. It’s great to hear the excitement in your voice and I definitely feel it as well, really capitalizing on the value of data but also doing it in a very safe and secure way, offers such a world of possibility, so that’s great. Thank you, Ian, for joining me today. It has been a pleasure as always. We wish you the best of luck on ServiceGen and your new endeavor and no doubt, you’ll have a lot of success and we look forward to following your journey. Thanks again for your time today, Ian.

Oppermann: Thanks, Ghislaine.

Entwisle: Over to you, Joe.

Kornik: Thanks, Ghislaine, and thank you for watching the VISION by Protiviti interview. On behalf of Ghislaine Entwisle and Dr. Ian Oppermann, I’m Joe Kornik and we’ll see you next time.

Close transcript

Dr. Ian Oppermann is co-founder of ServiceGen, a firm that helps global governments achieve digital transformation. He is an Industry Professor at the University of Technology, Sydney, and is considered an expert on the digital economy. Prior to co-founding ServiceGen, Oppermann was Chief Data Scientist for the New South Wales government working within the Department of Customer Service. He also headed the NSW government’s AI Review Committee and Smart Places Advisory Council and is considered a thought leader in the area of the digital economy. Ian is a regular speaker on the topics of big data, broadband-enabled services and the impact of technology on society.

Dr. Ian Oppermann
Co-founder, ServiceGen
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Ghislaine Entwisle has over seventeen years of experience in the Professional Services industry. She has undertaken a wide range of business consulting, IT consulting and IT audit assignments during this time. Ghislaine has broad experience across industries and within both the public sector and private sector. She has provided business and IT consulting and IT audit services for a number of international clients and local clients including a number of large private sector clients.

Ghislaine Entwisle
Managing Director, Protiviti Australia
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The World Bank's Ed Olowo-Okere: Let's reimagine government for good

The World Bank's Ed Olowo-Okere: Let's reimagine government for good

In this VISION by Protiviti Interview, the World Bank’s Ed Olowo-Okere, Senior Advisor, Equitable Growth, Finance and Institutions, and Director of The World Bank’s Future of Government report, sits down with Charles Dong, Global Public Sector industry lead for Protiviti and Joe Kornik, Editor-in-Chief of VISION by Protiviti to discuss the World Bank’s new social contract and call to action for governments around the world to reinvent themselves as they face unprecedented health, economic, and fiscal challenges.

In this interview:

1:16 – The Future of Government report

2:54 – The biggest problems of governance: Corruption and participation

6:45 – The role of government in the future

11:00 – The role of the private sector

13:25 – Will governments seize the opportunity, or miss it?


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The World Bank’s Ed Olowo-Okere: Let’s reimaging government for good

Joe Kornik: Welcome to the VISION by Protiviti interview. I’m Joe Kornik, Editor-in-Chief of VISION by Protiviti, our global content resource examining big themes that will impact the C-suite and executive boardrooms worldwide. Today, we’re exploring the future of government, and we’re thrilled to welcome the World Bank’s Ed Olowo-Okere, the former Global Director of the Governance Global Practice, and now Senior Advisor in Equitable Growth, Finance, and Institutions. Ed is the director of the World Bank’s Future of Government report, a call to action for the governments around the world to reinvent themselves as they face unprecedented health, economic and fiscal challenges. Today, I’ll be sharing interview duties with my colleague, Charles Dong, Global Public Sector industry lead for Protiviti. Charles will join us in just a few moments, but now I’m going to welcome Ed. Thank you so much for joining us today.

Ed Olowo-Okere: Glad to be here, Joe, and thanks for having me.

Kornik: So, Ed, let’s start at the beginning. This Future of Government report is not an annual or regular report. It was your brainchild. So, why did you and the World Bank think a Reimagining Government for Good report was necessary?

Olowo-Okere: Thank you, Joe. You’re absolutely right that this is not a regular report or an annual report. In 2020, we discovered that governments across the world were facing multiple crises, including health, social, fiscal, and economic. As you know, these crises were triggered or exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. They were also coupled with the climate change crisis. So, we know from history that crises have often driven reforms in governments, and we reckon that the 2020 crises were not going to be an exception. So, the real question was, what kind of reforms would be undertaken by governments? So, we wanted to be able to help or support governments to make reforms that are truly transformational, reforms that are well-coordinated, and also draw on lessons about what has worked and what has not worked in the past decades.

Kornik: Right. You make the point in the report that many governments can’t meet just the basic needs of their citizens because of unresolved governance problems. So, what do you see as the biggest problems of governance, and how do we solve them going forward?

Olowo-Okere: Okay. So, let me clarify that the basic needs that we’re talking about, really, are things like basic health care, clean water, basic education, shelter, social safety nets, and simple kind of security of lives and livelihood. So, when we talk about the governance problems that are responsible for this, there are many of them. In the interest of time, I will just focus on two, and the two I’ll focus on are corruption, and lack of voice and participation. So, if you look at these two problems, you will see that they are responsible to a large extent for the legitimacy and trust deficit that most governments suffer. If you look at a number of countries as well, where there are violent conflicts and fragility, you will see that these two problems are really the main contributors to these issues of fragility and conflict.

As to your question regarding how we can solve these problems. We know, if we take the case of corruption, corruption is an age-long issue. It has been around for a long time, but we know also that there are countries that have effectively managed to be able to control corruption. So, the problem can be solved. Now, the question then is, okay, how do you solve it? This is really about countries deliberately ensuring that there is greater and enhanced transparency and accountability, and undertaking reforms to block all possible avenues for corruption. Strengthening institutions, and the institutions to be strengthened are institutions for accountability and justice. Then we need strong country leadership. I must say, in the case of corruption, there is also a need for international collaboration, because we know that corruption doesn’t just take place within the borders of a country. You have the international dimension to it.

Now, with respect to lack of voice and participation, what governments need to do is to deliberately go about educating citizens on how they can participate, and the needs to participate in the democratic process and decision-making process. In addition to that, governments also need to open the civic space up for citizens and civil society organizations to be able to express their minds, and to be able to contribute to the decision-making process. We know that governments can facilitate this by using tools and approaches that have worked and are known to have worked, including, for instance, leveraging on technology.

Kornik: Thanks, Ed. I’m now going to welcome in my colleague, Charles Dong, to ask the next few questions. Charles.

Charles Dong: Thanks, Joe. Thanks, Ed, for the time today.

Olowo-Okere: My pleasure, Charles.

Dong: In the report, you talk about governments renewing the social contracts with the citizens and highlight some key questions governments should ask themselves. What is the role of government? How can government deliver? How can government be more productive? How can governments build trust? So, let’s talk about them briefly. So, what is the role of government in the future?

Olowo-Okere: This is a big question, and the most fundamental question. It’s a question that every government needs to work through a process to come at, and this will be different in different contexts. Really, it is about the governments moving from the old assumptions about their roles, and listening to what it is that citizens expect them to be able to deliver, and then adjusting their roles accordingly to that. This is also about them looking at their capacity to be able to deliver what the citizens are expecting from them. It is also about redefining the roles across levels of government. I will say that in this process it is important that governments not just look at their roles in terms of service delivery only, but also look at the roles that they’re supposed to play in terms of regulation, leadership, and coordination.

Dong: How can government deliver?

Olowo-Okere: This is really about rethinking how governments deliver public services. So, for example, how can governments deliver social outcomes with support from non-state actors like the private sector, religious-based organizations, and community-based organizations? Okay. It is also about governments developing new capabilities, collaborating, and ensuring equity and quality in the service delivery process.

Dong: How can government be more productive?

Olowo-Okere: We know that citizens’ demands are high, and their expectations are ever-increasing, but then public resources are limited. So, there has to be a consistent quest for efficiency. So, this is really about how government can use scarce resources efficiently to meet citizens’ expectations, and it involves developing capacity, using appropriate tools, improving their systems, and leveraging technology.

Dong: So, how can governments build trust?

Olowo-Okere: How can governments build trust? We know that currently most governments suffer from trust deficit. So, this is really important because lack of trust in governments affects government effectiveness. So, three aspects of this. The first one is really having a new social contract that can then form the basis of citizens having a really deep level of trust towards governments. So, a renewed social contract is fundamental. We know there are two critical factors for securing and maintaining trust. The first one is really delivery of services that meet the expectation of citizens, and the second aspect is transparency and accountability in the service delivery process. So, the question is, how can governments meet those two factors? Then the important element in terms of securing trust is for a government to be able to identify those factors outside of its control that may impact on trust, and then determine how it is going to be able to manage that.

Dong: So, the report highlights building a coalition of teams. What role could business leaders in the private sector play in helping governments to solve the challenge of reimagining itself?

Olowo-Okere: This question is important because of the criticality of the private sector to any economy. Now, there are two different roles that we can envisage for business leaders and the private sector. The first one is really for business leaders and the private sector to take the lead in building coalitions for change. This involves reflecting on where their government is, their role in the government of the past, the potential roles that they could play in the government of the future, and then it’s also about reflecting on the parts that they can play in the collective journey to make happen the reimagining of government. These, for instance, involve them thinking about and identifying who they share interests with, who they can influence, who they can have conversations with, and then start building that coalition for change. So, that’s the first part.

Then the second part or the second role that business leaders and the private sector can play is really participating in a process that governments may lead to build coalitions for change. If you look at the four questions you asked me earlier on about how the new social contract can be developed, governments cannot really renew the social contract without listening to and having conversations with non-state actors like business leaders and the private sector.

Dong: Thanks, Ed. I’m going to turn it back over to Joe now.

Kornik: Thanks, Charles. I have two more questions from me, and they both require you to look out to the future, maybe a decade or more. I know that you did that in the report, so you’re the perfect person to ask. First, what are the implications if governments don’t heed this advice? What if we get this wrong? What are the implications of that?

Olowo-Okere: That will be a terribly missed opportunity to take advantage of a serious crisis to make transformational changes, and to begin to build capability to be responsive to the expectations of citizens. So, if that were to be the case, we can imagine a future where governments will launch from crisis to crisis, will not be responsive to the needs of citizens, will be unprepared for crisis, with suffer legitimacy and trust deficits, and will not be as effective as they should be. I really hope that will not be the case.

Kornik: You and me both, Ed. So, let’s end on a positive note, if we could. What are the possibilities for the planet and for the people of the planet if governments do get this right? What could be the ultimate impact? Take us out a decade or more and talk to me about that future.

Olowo-Okere: Yes. Thanks for that. We will have a new social contract that governments and citizens are really excited about, and we can then look forward to governments that will increasingly meet citizens’ expectations and deliver on their promises, will be better prepared for crises, and governments that will be innovative and productive. This will lead to a situation where governments will be trusted by citizens, and they will have high legitimacy, which will further help their capability to deliver on the renewed social contract. So, you can call that a virtuous cycle, and I hope that this is really what we will get. [Laughter]

Kornik: Yes, I think I speak for everyone when I say, we all agree that I hope that’s what we get. Thanks, Ed, for the time today. I really enjoyed our conversation and your insights.

Olowo-Okere: Thank you very much, Joe and Charles. Thanks for the opportunity to discuss the Future of Government initiatives with you.

Kornik: Thank you for watching the VISION by Protiviti interview. On behalf of Ed and Charles, I’m Joe Kornik. We’ll see you next time.

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Ed Olowo-Okere, a Nigerian national with three decades of experience working on development issues around the world, is the Senior Advisor in the Equitable Growth, Finance, and Institutions (EFI) Vice Presidency at the World Bank. Previously he was the global director for the Governance Global Practice where he led the practice to support client countries in building accountable, transparent, and inclusive institutions. Mr. Olowo-Okere joined the World Bank in 1998 and has held various positions in operations, including Director of Governance overseeing Africa, MENA and ECA regions, and Director of the Core Operational Services Department in the Africa region. Before joining the bank, Ed held public- and private-sector positions in Nigeria, Britain, and New Zealand.

Ed Olowo-Okere
Senior Advisor, World Bank
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Charles Dong is a Managing Director with Protiviti and serves as the firm’s Global Public Sector industry leader. He has significant experience in providing accounting and financial advisory, risk consulting and business transformation to both public sector and commercial clients. Charles is a Certified Public Accountant with a bachelor’s degree in accountancy from Baruch College and a master’s degree from New York University.

Charles Dong
Public Sector leader, Protiviti
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From democracy and digitization to risk and regulation, we explore the future of government

From democracy and digitization to risk and regulation, we explore the future of government

Democracy is in decline. And it has been for eight straight years, according to the latest Democracy Index from the Economist Intelligence Unit, the research division of The Economist Group. In fact, democracy around the globe is at its lowest level since the index began in 2006.


ABOUT

Joe Kornik
Editor-in-Chief
VISION by Protiviti

Joe Kornik is Director of Brand Publishing and Editor-in-Chief of VISION by Protiviti, a content resource focused on the future of global megatrends and how they’ll impact business, industries, communities and people in 2030 and beyond. Joe is an experienced editor, writer, moderator, speaker and brand builder. Prior to leading VISION by Protiviti, Joe was the Publisher and Editor-in-Chief of Consulting magazine. Previously, he was chief editor of several professional services publications at Bloomberg BNA, the Nielsen Company and Reed Elsevier. He holds a degree in Journalism/English from James Madison University.

To measure the state of global democracy, the index assesses each country across five categories—electoral process and pluralism, functioning of government, political participation, political culture and civil liberties. Alarmingly, the categories that have recorded the biggest drops are civil liberties and electoral process and pluralism.

According to the report, almost half of the world’s population live in a democracy of some sort (45.4%). Only 7.8% reside in a “full democracy,” down from 8.9% in 2015. (The United States has been listed as a “flawed democracy” since 2016.) Almost two-fifths of the world’s population live under authoritarian rule (39.4%), a share that’s risen in recent years.

The age of conflict

The report, titled “Age of Conflict,” is daunting. The authors point out, “The world’s democracies seem powerless to prevent wars from breaking out around the globe and less adept at managing conflict at home.” While wars rage on in Africa, Europe, and the Middle East, “U.S. hegemony is increasingly contested, China vies for global influence, and emerging powers such as Saudi Arabia and Turkey assert their interests, the international order is becoming more unstable.”

The authors question if the democratic model developed after World War II is still viable. It’s a fair question; and one with no easy answer. But amid the growing global conflicts, and just a short time removed from a global pandemic, we thought it was a good time to explore the future of government and government services.

VISION by Protiviti, our global content resource exploring big, transformational topics that will alter business over the next decade and beyond, is embarking on a journey to assess where government is today, where it’s going and how it’s performing its most important task—providing essential services to its citizens.

"Government for good"

Fortunately, we’ve enlisted some impressive leaders and luminaries to help us do just that. The World Bank’s Ed Olowo-Okere, senior advisor, Equitable Growth, Finance and Institutions and director of The World Bank’s Future of Government report, sits down with Protiviti’s Charles Dong, Global Public Sector industry lead. Olowo-Okere offers a call to action for global government leaders to adopt a new social contract with its citizens to ensure we’re cultivating a “government for good.”

Over the next several months, we will explore how complex problems are challenging governments around the globe as they try to provide responsible, impactful, innovative, and sustainable solutions for the citizens they serve. We’ll examine the evolution of e-government, the digitization of services, data privacy, cybersecurity, national security, regulation, risk and compliance. We’ll also investigate the changing nature of public-private partnerships as well as how business leaders can navigate an ever-changing geopolitical landscape.

“U.S. hegemony is increasingly contested, China vies for global influence, and emerging powers such as Saudi Arabia and Turkey assert their interests, the international order is becoming more unstable.”

– Age of Conflict report

Image
Flags of the United nations

We ask Heidi Crebo-Rediker, former chief economist in the Obama Administration and international affairs lead for the Biden transition team, to lay out a plan for leaders in the C-suite and boardrooms to future-proof their business amid all this global geopolitical risk. She is a former CEO and current partner at International Capital Strategies, an executive vice president at America’s Frontier Fund, as well as an adjunct senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations.

We also talk with Tom Vartanian, former federal regulator and executive director of the Financial Technology & Cybersecurity Center. Vartanian, a futurist, lawyer, board member and author of The Unhackable Internet, offers a dire warning about the U.S. government’s readiness for a cyber attack.

Part of that vulnerability revolves around the race to quantum and its ability—perhaps sooner than we think—to break encryption of highly classified materials. So, we sat down with Protiviti’s Konstantinos Karagiannis, director of Quantum Computing Services, to discuss the global race to a post-quantum world and what impact, both positive and negative, it will have on governments and government services.

Speaking of government services, we also shine a light on the growing e-government movement and how digitization could be a real game changer for governments. Mauro Guillen, futurist, vice dean of the Wharton School of Business at the University of Pennsylvania, and author of 2030: How Today’s Biggest Trends Will Collide and Reshape the Future of Everything, says governments have issues—everything from trust to tech equity to transparency—and imagines how digitization could be a fix.

Former president of Estonia and current digital pioneer Toomas Ilves doesn’t have to imagine. Ilves has been on a decades-long crusade to digitize government services, and his innovative policies as president from 2006 to 2016 accelerated Estonia’s journey to a parliamentary democracy after it regained its independence in 1991.

The road ahead

Over the next several months, we’ll continue to unveil new insights and perspectives as we ask policy experts, executives, political leaders, academics and Protiviti’s own subject-matter experts to help us make sense of it all. Stay tuned for an exclusive interview with Julie Bishop, former Australia Minister for Foreign Affairs.

On April 29, we’ll unveil our exclusive findings from our Global Executive Outlook on the Future of Government research with the University of Oxford. And on May 9, tune into VISION by Protiviti’s Future of Government webinar keynoted by the World Bank.

Finally, in case you were wondering, Norway remains the globe’s most secure democracy, followed by New Zealand, Sweden, Iceland and Finland, according to the EIU Democracy Index. The United States ranks 29th, right behind Malta and two spots behind Estonia.

Ilves has been on a decades-long crusade to digitize government services, and his innovative policies as president from 2006 to 2016 accelerated Estonia’s journey to a parliamentary democracy after it regained its independence in 1991.

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African Union Development Agency CEO: Infrastructure, investment keys to continent’s future

African Union Development Agency CEO: Infrastructure, investment keys to continent’s future

In this VISION by Protiviti interview, Joe Kornik, Editor-in-Chief of VISION by Protiviti, sits down with Nardos Bekele-Thomas, CEO of the African Union Development Agency and United Nations resident coordinator, to talk about what the continent needs to thrive in the future; namely, investment and infrastructure. Bekele-Thomas lays out her vision for the future of the continent and how both the public and private sectors will play key roles in turning Africa into a global powerhouse over the next decade and beyond.

In this interview:

1:00 – NEPAD’s big agenda

3:42 – The Program for Infrastructure Development in Africa

6:34 – Public-private collaboration opportunities

9:10 – Harnessing Africa’s people potential


Read transcript

African Union Development Agency CEO: Infrastructure, investment keys to continent’s future

Joe Kornik: Welcome to the VISION by Protiviti podcast. I’m Joe Kornik, Editor-in-Chief of VISION by Protiviti, our global content resource examining big themes that will impact the C-Suite and executive boardrooms worldwide. Today, we’re exploring the future of government, and we welcome in Nardos Bekele-Thomas, CEO of the African Union Development Agency, commonly known as NEPAD, the New Partnership for African Development.

Endorsed by African Union Heads of State and Government, including 33 prime ministers within Africa, Bekele-Thomas became the first woman to lead the Africa Union Development Agency when she took over two years ago. She is a powerhouse who has influenced growth and development in Africa for nearly 40 years, serving in prominent positions with governments of multiple countries, and for more than two decades with the United Nations.

Nardos, thank you so much for joining me today.

Nardos Bekele-Thomas: Thank you so much for having me, and for this opportunity to converse with you.

Kornik: Now, I know NEPAD aims to transform Africa with regional and continental priority development programs and projects. Can you highlight a few accomplishments since you took over, and then maybe talk a little bit about what’s the next big one on the agenda?

Bekele-Thomas: Yes. Thank you very much. Actually, I’ll start by saying that the NEPAD has transformed itself to being the African Union Development Agency, which is really an expanded mandate of making sure the development activities in the continent. There are many, if you go country by country, actually, development cooperation is overcrowded. The space is overcrowded. But how do you coordinate these activities and make sure that they are impactful? This is one of the mandates that was assigned to NEPAD.

Also, to identify the gaps and make sure that these gaps are filled in and that the requisite resources are mobilized for the realization of the agenda that was put in place. So NEPAD actually is really, it’s monumental, has monumental tasks and responsibilities. Therefore, I’m just humbled to being the CEO of this organization.

Now, coming to—when I came to NEPAD, of course, this whole transition took place in 2018, and 2019 being the COVID year, we have to subtract like two years of our time. The two years were really more into COVID and responding to the challenges of COVID. Therefore, in reality, the operationalization of the African Union Development Agency came into effect with my coming into this position in 2022.

Since then, the first thing that came to my mind is, if Africans coordinate its activities, its development cooperation, its development activities at national, regional, and continental level, then we need to have a common framework. We need to have a plan. Therefore, the first thing that we started doing is the review of the 10-year implementation plan. How are we fairing? How did we perform? Where did we go wrong? What are the best practices and how can we build on the best practices but also address the deficiencies? Then, come out with the design of the second 10-year implementation plan.

In terms of infrastructure, which is the bedrock of African integration and industrialization, we had a big conference in Dakar last year in February. This conference was different from the conferences we used to have before. In the past, we used to have politicians come, ministers or whatever, and make statements after statements, commitments after commitments, and sometimes they still remain to be unfulfilled promises. Therefore, we wanted it to be different.

We brought the program owners—these are countries, of course, the project owners—but we brought also the development finance institutions that could do a guarantee fund, that could come out with guaranteed funds, and also the private sector and investors together. We had the rules project by project, we brought them and went into deeper discussions and understanding. This yielded concrete result to the surprise of so many. We brought $800 million for feasibility studies of our pipeline projects under the Program for Infrastructure Development for Africa. More than that, the $86 billion were mobilized for the construction of roads, transport, energy, water, dams and all this, and also on digital infrastructure.

Kornik: You mentioned infrastructure, which I think is interesting. I know that’s one of the priority areas, and I think there’s eight priority areas that you focus on among others of course. Those are, I guess, political, economic and corporate governance, agriculture, infrastructure as we mentioned, education, health, science and technology, market access and tourism, and the environment. I’m just curious what are the biggest priorities for governments in Africa to better serve their citizens? I mean, what are the biggest ones that you need to address?

Bekele-Thomas: All of them are important. I truly believe that we need to do everything. We can do that if we come out with catalytic approaches, catalytic programs, because these programs are intertwined and they can bring all the different sectors together. For us, for example, what we have chosen for the coming five years is infrastructure is very important.

Kornik: You’ve touched on this a little bit in your some of your answers, but can you talk to me a little bit about how the public and private sector companies either inside or outside Africa even can collaborate and work together to move Africa forward?

Bekele-Thomas: Thank you very much. I think this has been really one of my, should I say forte, but I’ve been dealing with the private sector in my past in the UN, that’s an area where I have been working, and I think it’s so critical. No one country can do this alone, and we need all the support that we require. Especially the private sector because they have—it’s taking all this, the development of country or the development of the continent in general, it will offer them more opportunities to expand their businesses so the public-private partnership is critical.

Today, I just finished—actually this morning—a meeting with the Indonesian government where—when I was in Bali for the G20 last year, it was very interesting to see how the private sector and the public sector work hand in hand, and we were having discussions with them. Therefore beyond, also, in our private sectors, we’re going beyond that to the ones that are outside, like Asian Business Council, the American Business Council, the Corporate Council on Africa, the European Business Councils and Chambers of Commerce, we work hand in hand with them. Especially in investment, when we talk about infrastructure. I mean, we really need this.

We need them also to team up with African investors so that together, they build equity and they meet the challenges that Africa has to offer. It’s not a challenge actually. It’s a big opportunity, it’s a huge potential. I think working hand in hand, we can perfect the conducive environment, the environment that they require to thrive, but also make sure that investment flows are smooth and directed in the growth areas that are identified by Africa.

Kornik: Right. That investment is so key, obviously. I’m going to zoom out a little bit and take a 30,000 foot view here and talk a little bit about the continent itself in the future. It is the fastest growing population of any continent on Earth. By 2050, the UN estimates one fourth of all people on the planet will live in Africa. My question is, how can African governments navigate that rapid growth and are there ways that countries can collaborate to help lift the entire continent as it goes through this next two-to-three decade rapid growth period?

Bekele-Thomas: Africa is showing confidence in itself for the first time. You go to the G20, you go to the COP, you go everywhere, Africa is standing, Africa is talking, Africa is taking a space, which it didn’t do before. Therefore, that is foundational, it’s fundamental, and I’m glad that is happening. The second thing that is very important and clear is that Africa has its own vision. Africa started believing in itself and understanding that it’s sitting on a wealth. Wealth in terms of natural resources, but wealth in terms of the human resources and capital.

Therefore, I think for Africans, this is really a time to build on this confidence level and implement the programs that would make them be the powerhouse, the global powerhouse, which I am sure and I am so confident. When I am sitting with heads of states, when I am sitting in the EU Summit, I see so much, so much energy that I leave inspired but also encouraged. We hope that the rest of the world will support us in making the dream, the African dream to be a reality.

Kornik: Well, Nardos, thank you so much for joining me today. I really appreciate the time and the conversation.

Bekele-Thomas: Thank you so much. Much appreciated.

Kornik: Thank you for listening to the VISION by Protiviti podcast. Please rate and subscribe wherever you listen to podcasts, and be sure to visit vision.protiviti.com to view all of our latest content. Until next time, I’m Joe Kornik.

Close transcript

ABOUT

Nardos Bekele-Thomas
CEO
African Union Development Agency

Nardos Bekele-Thomas is CEO of the African Union Development Agency (also known as NEPAD, the New Partnership for African Development). Endorsed by African Union heads of state and government, including 33 prime ministers within Africa, Bekele-Thomas became the first woman to lead the African Union’s development agency when she took over in May of 2022. NEPAD aims to transform Africa and is mandated to facilitate and coordinate the implementation of regional and continental priority development programs and projects. Previously, Bekele-Thomas was the Resident Coordinator of the United Nations in South Africa.

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Blockchain Coinvestors CEO: If U.S. government won’t lead on innovation, get out of the way

Blockchain Coinvestors CEO: If U.S. government won’t lead on innovation, get out of the way

Matthew Le Merle, managing partner and CEO of Blockchain Coinvestors, which provides a broad coverage of the fastest growth blockchain companies and crypto projects, sat down with Lata Varghese, Protiviti Managing Director, Digital Assets and Blockchain Solutions, to discuss the dichotomy between regulation and innovation in government as it relates to fintech.  


Varghese: Blockchain Coinvestors, and in fact, the whole space of blockchain investing, might need a little more explanation. Can you tell us a little bit more about it and your role at Blockchain Coinvestors?

Le Merle: Along with Alison Davis, I'm the founder of Blockchain Coinvestors. We have been investing in internet and fintech here in Silicon Valley for about 20 or 20-plus years. And about 10 years ago, we saw those two innovations converging on something new. And so, the internet and fintech came together to create something called Bitcoin, which was put on top of an innovation called blockchain. And we were very taken by the arrival of the world's first digital money, and we thought that that was a transformative moment. So, we pivoted to be 100% focused on investing in blockchain. And we've done that ever since. We've backed more than 800 blockchain companies and projects at this point in Europe, North America and Asia. We do not trade; we're are early-stage venture investors.

Varghese: I know your position is that the move to digital money, commodities and assets is inevitable. That will, of course, require new infrastructure. I’m curious, who do you think should lead that effort? Is it the public or private sector? Do you see this as similar to the internet and its iterations after, which was driven in large part by government investment and mandate?

Le Merle: I’m not sure I agree that the rollout of the internet, particularly the digital communications and content that followed on a global basis, was driven by governments at all. While the government created the internet, it’s widespread adoption was driven by the world's most innovative companies—Apple, Microsoft, Amazon, Google, Facebook—those were the companies that brought digital communications and content to the mainstream. It actually took a while for the incumbents, the large telcos to embrace the internet. And in fact, if you go back to the 1990s, most of them were resisting it because it was disruptive to their current business model.

Any government that purposefully tries to slow down innovation always regrets it later. They discover they lose ground on a global scale. In my opinion, the role of government is to create pro-innovation regulation because innovation drives jobs, GDP and economic growth everywhere in the world. And I could be talking about life sciences, I could be talking about clean energy, I could be talking about enterprise software. It's true across all areas of innovation.

Any government that purposefully tries to slow down innovation always regrets it later. They discover they lose ground on a global scale.

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Entrepreneurs working

Varghese: OK, fair enough. But I think my question was more about government setting the conditions for innovation to occur with active investments in infrastructure and other related things that allow private companies to innovate...  

Le Merle: Governments do not create the backbone or the innovation infrastructure upon which innovators build. Time after time, we see governments waste enormous amounts of money, billions and billions of dollars on infrastructure that the private sector ends up not using. All governments need to do is set pro-innovation regulation and get out of the way—the private sector will make it happen. Look, Tesla created the fast-charging infrastructure of America; the government didn't do it. They could have done it, but they didn’t. Imagine if they had and required it for every transportation mode in America? What a different place we’d be in right now. But they didn't do it, and Tesla's had to build it itself. That’s just one example. I just don't think government is good at innovating. I also don't think large established companies are very good at innovating—a few of them are. I think innovative companies are very good at innovating, and then the rest of us try to figure out how to take those inventions and embed them into business or the public sector.

I also don’t think you can standardize innovation. If in the Betamax-VHS moment, the government had picked a standard, which one would they have chosen? The answer is Betamax; it was the superior technology at the time. So, from an objective perspective, if you had chosen to stop innovation in that moment, we would all be on Betamax, and we wouldn't never have had CDs, DVDs, or downloadable content because we would have made a rigid set of standards that said the chosen way of storing and sharing data is on Betamax tape. Governments make that mistake all the time—you can't set a standard in a moment of time when you have rapid innovation occurring because the next innovation may be superior to anything you understand today. Standards are very dangerous in a world of innovation. A regulator has to create a dynamic, flexible regulatory structure that provides some clarity, but still permits additional waves of innovation. That’s not easy.

Varghese: Right. So, it’s government’s job to provide the regulatory clarity so that innovators can do what they need to do?

Le Merle: Yes, that’s preferable but it’s also very difficult for a regulator to maintain regulation of today's industries, businesses and activities while at the same time trying to figure out what new innovative regulation would be needed for a future that hasn't yet arrived. And so, we always have that tension. As an investor in innovation, my preference would be, of course, to have regulatory clarity, but I understand that’s not easy. The thing we don't ever want is anti-innovation regulation

Standards are very dangerous in a world of innovation. A regulator has to create a dynamic, flexible regulatory structure that provides some clarity, but still permits additional waves of innovation. That’s not easy.

Image
US Capitol

Right now, almost every other country in the world is busy establishing pro-innovation regulation for digital moneys, commodities and assets. And unfortunately, in America, we have some people who believe we should be killing this innovation, and they are working hard to create anti-innovation regulation. And it's holding us back. America has always been an innovation leader, and America has also been the world's financial leader. The real danger here is that America ends up being neither innovative nor a financial leader. For any country, it's never a good strategy to be slow on innovation; and the danger of anti-innovation regulation is that all the innovators go somewhere else, and you lose your competitiveness.

Throughout time, the most innovative countries have captured the lion's share of the global economic trade and value. If I was running the UK, the U.S., the EU, Switzerland, Abu Dhabi, Dubai, Singapore, Hong Kong, I would be passing pro-innovation regulation right now for digital moneys, commodities and assets. But America has been, and I believe still is, the world's greatest concentration of talent. And all we're really asking is for government to help America continue to maintain that position.

the danger of anti-innovation regulation is that all the innovators go somewhere else, and you lose your competitiveness.

Matthew Le Merle is Managing Partner and CEO of Blockchain Coinvestors. Launched in 2014, Blockchain Coinvestors’ vision is that digital monies, commodities and assets are inevitable and all of the world’s financial infrastructure must be upgraded, and its mission is to provide broad coverage of the fastest-growth blockchain companies and crypto projects. Matthew is serves as Managing Partner of Keiretsu — the most active early-stage venture investors backing over 300 companies a year. Matthew’s career has spanned being a global strategy advisor, professional services firm leader, corporate operating executive, private equity and venture capital investor, and board director. His board work has included Chairman or Non-Executive Director roles in 15 public and private companies and active Advisory Board roles in fast growth companies.

Matthew Le Merle
CEO, Blockchain Coinvestors
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Lata Varghese is Managing Director in Protiviti’s Technology Consulting practice and Protiviti’s Digital Assets and Blockchain practice leader. Lata is a seasoned executive with over 20 years of experience in helping clients successfully navigate multiple business and technology shifts. Prior to Protiviti, Lata was one of Cognizant’s early employees when the firm had less than1,000 employees, and she grew with the firm as it scaled to a $17Bn, Fortune 200 enterprise.

Lata Varghese
Managing Director, Protiviti
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Will quantum computing be a game changer for governments?

Will quantum computing be a game changer for governments?

In this VISION by Protiviti Interview, Joe Kornik, Editor-in-Chief of VISION by Protiviti, sits down with Konstantinos Karagiannis, Protiviti’s Director of Quantum Computing Services, to discuss quantum’s impact on the future of government, where the U.S. stacks up with the rest of the world, and how encryption and protecting sensitive and classified information will be paramount in the quantum era. Karagiannis has been involved in the quantum computing industry since 2012 and is the host of Protiviti’s popular podcast, The Post-Quantum World

In this interview:

1:00 – What is quantum’s potential to transform governments?

2:30 – When will quantum become reality?

3:40 – Practical use cases – quantum and AI

5:58 – U.S. and other countries – who’s leading?

7:00 – The quantum threat and protecting encryption

8:35 – Quantum skill sets and capabilities

9:55 – The state of quantum in the public and private sector

11:15 – The post-quantum world in 2035


Read transcript

Will quantum computing be a game changer for governments?

Joe Kornik: Welcome to the VISION by Protiviti podcast. I’m Joe Kornik, Editor-in-Chief of VISION by Protiviti, our global content resource examining big themes that will impact the C-suite and executive boardrooms worldwide. Today, we’re exploring the future of government and I’m happy to be joined by my Protiviti colleague Konstantinos Karagiannis, Director of Quantum Computing Services, helping organizations get ready for quantum opportunities and threats. He’s been involved in the quantum computing industry since 2012 and is the host of Protiviti’s popular podcast, The Post-Quantum World. Konstantinos, thank you very much for joining me today.

Konstantinos Karagiannis: Yes, it’s great to be back. Thanks.

Kornik: Konstantinos, the last time we talked for VISION, I think it was back in 2022, and since then the quantum drumbeat I think has certainly gotten louder and we continue to hear more and more about its possible impact. I’m curious about quantum and its potential to transform governments. Is there a quantum game changer for governments that you sort of see coming?

Karagiannis: Well, it’s best summarized in how the White House put it when they did the NSM-10 memorandum a couple of years ago. They said that in order to maintain our leadership position in the world, we have to make sure that we get ahead of the quantum technology space. There’s a lot there, right? To maintain being a scientific and technological leader, you can’t let go of the thing that’s going to be the biggest technological advance. This and AI are pretty much the twins that are going to take us into the future. Since I’ve been on, of course, AI has stolen a little bit of the thunder but it’s funny because one of the big pillars of quantum is machine learning.

You’ve got optimization, machine learning and simulation, and these three areas are going to affect all aspects of the private sector and the government sector as well. It’s partly about maintaining leadership, which is what a government wants to be able to proclaim in the technological field. That’s part of it. But then, it gets right down to the grassroots level of what’s actually happening. You have energy sectors being revitalized, chemical manufacturing, all types of optimization. Obviously, if you have a government, there’s all sorts of little cogs in the wheel that that could get in the way if you’re not optimizing right. It’s a technology that will just transform all aspects.

Kornik: Realistically, when do you think it’ll have the impact? When do you think some of that could become reality?

Karagiannis: The industry is changing all the time and the timelines of the machine quality is changing and there’s some exciting stuff that’s happening right now. So, the timing of this interview is pretty good. For the first time, we have what are called logical qubits appearing, and these are quantum bits that are error corrected. You usually need some number, large number of physical qubits that you correct for errors and then you end up with these like pure ones that you could do amazing things with.

We’re about two years away from having more logical qubits than we could ever simulate with a classical computer, which means we will have physically the capability of working with these entities that we never could before. If we could only simulate 50, we’re going to have about 100 in two years. Once you have that, you can prove instantly, well, we’re in uncharted territory here. Any advantage that we get, any quantum advantage could be as short as two years away in gate-based, what we call gate-based quantum computing.

Kornik: Where do you see those impacts taking place within the government? What’s quantum’s impact going to be?

Karagiannis: Yes, we’re going to eventually talk in this interview about the threat to cryptography so we’ll put that aside. Before scary things like that happen, there will be an impact in more practical use cases. Right now, with AI becoming more and more important, I think the first thing you’re going to see is that quantum will help certain processes that are either AI or AI-adjacent. That will be some of the first use cases like optimizing information that will be fed to AI, compressing artificial intelligence so it runs better because these machines will always work in tandem, and we’re going to see that most likely in the AI world, too.

Quantum computers are not going to replace classical computers. They’re always going to be that, like extra device that’s really, really good at specific tasks and they’re always going to be in the data center alongside your classical clusters. I think government will, first, take advantage of that aspect of it before they were able to proclaim where the first government that can crack encryption – although, let’s be real, I don’t think any government will proclaim that. I think they’ll keep it as like a secret advantage.

Kornik: Right. We’re going to talk about encryption and sort of protecting classified information in just a minute. Before that though, I do want to ask you, you mentioned earlier about the US sort of m.a.intaining its leadership position. Where is the U.S. government on its quantum journey in terms of funding and R&D compared to other countries? Is it really a leader on the geopolitical landscape?

Karagiannis: Yes, actually we are in some ways. In 2018, President Trump signed a national quantum initiative, and it was supposed to be a five-year act to help boost funding to all aspects of manipulating and using information with quantum. So, quantum information science, basically. That was renewed in 2023. We have the path forward for new money to be given to areas. Two regions in the U.S. were deemed tech hubs for quantum, in Colorado and Chicago, which means there’s going to be extra money in research dollars for developing workforces and coming up with new technologies. So, that’s great. That’s all good. We have these little heartland areas where you can have stimulating quantum growth happening, which will help us as a country. That’s one way the U.S. is leading.

Some ways that we are facing slight challenges. There are other countries where, we’ll pick one, for example China, where we’re being outpaced in terms of scientific papers that are being published and cited. It’s an interesting time where some other countries are obviously generating enough QIS advancements that the world is taking note. It’s possible that we’ll see advantage in some areas come from another country too. Then, it’s a matter of can we reverse-engineer or can they reverse-engineer and how much of it will be scientifically shared with the world like we’re used to seeing in science, or how much of it will be instantly behind locked doors kind of like a secret, that kind of thing is impossible to speculate on.

Kornik: When it comes to encryption and protecting sensitive data, classified information, how important will quantum be in terms of our national security?

Karagiannis: It’s a two-edged sword here. This is all covered also in that NSM White House Memorandum. It’s the idea that we have to maintain our leadership in using quantum computers for things and also in defending against the quantum threat. Eventually we’re going to cross that line of about 4,000 or so logical qubits that can crack encryption. When that happens, overnight, certain secrets will be exposed, and you can’t just flip a switch and rewrite everything. We can’t just overnight have everyone be set up with new encryption standards and all that takes time. So right now, we’re working towards this new deadline. They’ve set one of about 2035 to be ready, and that’s what the federal government’s going to be following.

However, private sector should be getting a little ahead of that because I think 2035 is not really a great deadline. I’m seeing 2030 as being when we have a potential for machines being able to crack encryption. That’s the other aspect that governments have to be ready for and at least the U.S. is making some clear inroads there right now in establishing the things that have to happen. Once NIST publishes the new standards for post-quantum cryptography this year, probably around summer time, there’s certain actions that federal agencies are going to have to take, and regulators, we expect, will copy that.

Kornik: Yes, you mentioned regulators. I’m just curious about skill sets and capabilities. Where do you think the U.S. government stacks up in terms of its quantum talent versus the rest of the world?

Karagiannis: Well, there’s definitely a talent shortage for what will happen as this industry keeps growing. That said, we are doing pretty well on the academic side. We do have a few solid programs here in the U.S. and universities and sort of like groups that are helping develop talent, like the Chicago Quantum Exchange is a great example which is obviously part of the University of Chicago too. We have that kind of growing talent approach, but we’re still not able to very quickly create teams and companies.

It’s still a little challenging to say, “We want to explore quantum. Let’s just build something.” It’s very hard to then go quickly find all the levels of technical skill you need to build something like that out. That’s why right now it’s still very much beneficial to have consulting when it comes to quantum sort of like help you work on your first use case and then start doing the educational path internally. Who can you train up? Who can you hire and bring in? So, there’s still a little bit of a challenge there when it comes down to the private sector.

Kornik: Right. I know you spend a lot of your time doing just that, right? You mentioned the private sector, and I’m curious how quantum in the public sector could impact the private sector. What do business leaders need to know or what should they be doing to sort of prepare for this future?

Karagiannis: Yes, that path towards post-quantum cryptography is a beautiful example of this. It literally says, okay, once these new ciphers are available, federal agencies have to create inventories. They have to show a timeline for how long it will take them to migrate, hopefully before 2030, but they have to establish that. They have to take very concrete actions as a result and we expect that private sector is going to copy that and that’ll be good for everybody because they’ll do the very same things.

They’re not going to do all the R&D required to understand the migration to post-quantum cryptography. We expect they’re going to do the exact same things with rolling out the new cryptography and not breaking anything. It’s that breaking thing that’s dangerous, that’s what we call crypto agility, the ability to implement new primitives and ciphers without destroying everything. The private sector is benefiting.

Kornik: You’ve already sort of taken us out to 2030 and 2035 and talked a little bit about that, but I’m wondering if you could sort of take us out that far or even farther, and talk to us about a post-quantum world and how that will have transformed global governments, or more specifically, the U.S. government or both.

Karagiannis: Yes. When you go out to 2035, of course, you’re in the realm of post-quantum cryptography needing to be rolled out. We’re going to have machines that can reverse RSA, other PK and even other types of cryptography like blockchain and things that we’re using right now. Hopefully, all that will have been replaced, but these machines will be so amazingly powerful by then that it’s hard to even imagine some of the use cases we’ll come up with in 10 years because we are very much scratching the surface right now.

In 2035, I don’t think we’re going to recognize it. I don’t think we’re going to recognize the world by 2030, maybe by 2027 quite frankly, with the acceleration we’re facing so it’s hard to imagine. Let me give you an example of how optimization can change many, many aspects of life. The more data we have to deal with, the more data points, the more moving parts. It starts to become an exponentially out of control situation as you try to make sense of these things. We’ve seen it with supply chain disruptions, the more moving pieces in the supply chain, if something goes wrong with one of them, it affects everything else with like a domino effect.

It all goes back to the traveling salesman problem. How can you visit every country, every city in the country without repeating. That starts to become an exponentially difficult problem to solve. Imagine optimizing the delivery of all sorts of services. They could be physical services like trucks getting to you or trucks getting to you in an emergency. We’ve already seen quantum edge in that. Imagine also delivering much needed resources to people more like digitally or delivering, let’s say things that people count on. For example, the right to vote, how are we going to protect that?

Can one day quantum computing make it more possible to better predict when people will show up, how to have the right amount of folks on hand physically. This isn’t even touching the voting machines. It’s just predicting when people will arrive and the flux and things that will occur. You can really get down to the nitty gritty like that, that things that really impact physical boots on the ground rather than some abstract like algorithm running in the distance, it’s all very visible.

Kornik: Right. Well, we’ll keep up with all those changes by listening to The Post-Quantum World. Thanks, Konstantinos, for your time today.

Karagiannis: Thanks.

Kornik: Thank you for listening to the VISION by Protiviti podcast. Please rate and subscribe wherever you listen to podcasts, and be sure to visit vision.protiviti.com to view all of our latest content. Until next time, I’m Joe Kornik.

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ABOUT

Konstantinos Karagiannis
Director, Quantum Computing Services
Protiviti

Konstantinos Karagiannis is Director of Quantum Computing Services at Protiviti. He helps companies get ready for quantum opportunities and threats, including quantum portfolio optimization using cardinality constraints and post-quantum cryptography agility assessments. He has been involved in the quantum computing industry since 2012, and in InfoSec since the 1990s. He is a frequent speaker at RSA, Black Hat, Defcon, and dozens of conferences worldwide. He also hosts Protiviti’s Post-Quantum World podcast.

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Cybersecurity expert: The U.S. is facing big challenges

Cybersecurity expert: The U.S. is facing big challenges

ABOUT

Tom Vartanian
Executive Director
Financial Technology & Cybersecurity Center

Thomas Vartanian is an attorney, author, advisor, regulatory expert, board mentor and an expert witness on financial services and technology. Currently, he is the executive director of the Financial Technology & Cybersecurity Center. As a regulator and private practitioner, he has been involved in 30 of the 50 largest bank failures in U.S. history. He is the author of nine books, including his latest “The Unhackable Internet: How Rebuilding Cyberspace Can Create Re al Security and Prevent Financial Collapse” released in 2023.

In this VISION by Protiviti interview, Joe Kornik, Editor-in-Chief of VISION by Protiviti, sits down with Tom Vartanian, an author, lawyer, futurist, board member and executive director of the Financial Technology & Cybersecurity Center, the Alexandria, Virginia-based nonprofit. Vartanian has more than 50 years of experience in the financial sector and served as a regulator in both the Reagan and Carter Administrations. He is the author of nine books, including his latest, 2023's The Unhackable Internet: How Rebuilding Cyberspace Can Create Real Security and Prevent Financial Collapse. Here, he discusses U.S. readiness when it comes to cyber warfare with our adversaries.

In this interview:

2:20 - Cyberattacks and national security by the numbers

3:53 - Who is running the technology parade?

9:36 - Quantum computing, a game changer

12:50 - A cautiously pessimistic look forward


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Cybersecurity expert: The U.S. is doing almost everything wrong

Joe Kornik: Welcome to the VISION by Protiviti Interview. I’m Joe Kornik, Editor-in-Chief of VISION by Protiviti, a global content resource examining big themes that will impact the C-suite and executive board rooms worldwide. Today, we’re exploring the future of government and I’m joined by Tom Vartanian—an author, lawyer, futurist, board member, and former federal bank regulator. Currently, Tom is the executive director of the Financial Technology & Cybersecurity Center, the Alexandria, Virginia-based non-profit that advocates for dynamic financial services and public policies. Tom served as a regulator in both the Reagan and Carter administrations and he is the author of nine books including his latest, 2023’s The Unhackable Internet: How Rebuilding Cyberspace Can Create Real Security and Prevent Financial Collapse. Tom, thank you so much for joining me today.

Tom Vartanian: Joe, great to be back.

Joe Kornik: Tom, as I mentioned in my introduction there, you are the executive director of the Financial Technology & Cybersecurity Center. Can you tell us a little bit about the center and its mission?

Tom Vartanian: Yes. What I wanted to do after being a regulator for a number of years and practicing law for 40 years is sort of bring to bear the concerns I had about the future financial services and particularly how it’s impacted by technology and security questions. What we wanted to do was set up a center that would focus on cybersecurity, focus on the future of fintech and key on to the issues that we think we need to consider to make financial stability the preeminent and dominant concern in the future.

Joe Kornik: Yes. I mentioned your excellent book in the intro and in it you addressed the threats facing the integrity of our national security and our financial services sector including the possibility of cyberattacks by foreign adversaries like China and Russia. Your book poses a challenge to America to take the lead and create a coalition of democratic nations to implement financial cyber strategies. Why do you think this is so critical to the future?

Tom Vartanian: You can go on to the CISA’s website today and look at the numbers that they have prominently on their website. CISA, which, of course, is part of the Department of Homeland Security, says that one in three, five people in America have malware on their computers, one in three. 47% of us in the country have had personally identifiable information collected about us, 47%. 600,000 accounts are hacked daily. $4 billion in crypto is stolen each year and ransomware attacks are now averaging—the theft of more than 500 million—there are more 500 million ransomware attacks every year, 500 million around the world. What you see is a scale of devastation and destruction that has to be put into some context relative to the enhancement of the human quality of life that technology can provide. And I think we are losing the battle in that balance because we’re irrationally focused on the upside of technology and not very focused on what can happen on the downside. We don’t know so much about technology and we’re playing as if it’s always going to be benevolent and good to us, but the problem is that there are so many people increasingly every year using it for bad purposes and to steal money or to influence elections or bring down governments.

Joe Kornik: Let me ask you a question. As a country, is the United States of America doing enough? Do we have the right people on it? Do we have the right investment pointed at it? I mean how are we doing in that realm?

Tom Vartanian: I think, Joe, that we are playing into the hands of our adversaries. Let me say it this way. If we wanted to build a system to allow our adversaries to take as much advantage of critical infrastructures, money, power, and every possible aspect that our government relies on, we wouldn’t built the system we built online, right? Because it is highly insecure and it is increasingly vulnerable to attack. When the internet started in 1969, the ARPANET, it was established to communicate messages, not to store data, and here we are, all these years later, storing all the data on the planet and all of the value on the planet on a system that was never built to do that, right?

Again, I think it changes the scales and the balance of things. It allows countries that shouldn’t be able to punch above their weight to punch above their weight. North Korea is probably the best example of that. It’s basically running its economy off hacking, right? It’s all of this money they’re making from hacking everything around the world, it’s giving this money to run its economy and run a nuclear program. Right? So, we’ve got to start seeing that we can think in terms of traditional regulations, traditional concepts if we’re moving forward in a world where the scale has changed and the balance between good and bad is now moving dramatically.

My bottom line is, is that we need leaders in this country to basically move forward with an agreement among democracies. Forget the other countries that aren’t going to come in, dictatorships and totalitarian governments, they’re never going to come along because they’re now seeing technology as the way that they can control their people. I mean if we had an hour, we could talk about what’s going on in China with 300 million facial recognition cameras, giving everybody a social score, right? For totalitarian governments and dictators, technology is now the greatest thing in their hands because it will prevent them from ever being out of power, because the facial recognition, they will know when two people are meeting that they think shouldn’t be meeting and that’s pretty scary.

I think the answer to your question, the government hasn’t done enough, isn’t spending enough and isn’t focused enough on these issues because at the end of the day, said very simply, a lot of these issues are not campaign issues you can raise money off of, right? Those are the issues, whether they’re important or not, they tend to draw political donations and that the politicians tend to focus on. The second problem is that I don’t think most people on the hill understand more than—about technology than how to turn on their computers. I mean you can watch any congressional hearing you like, the ones with Mark Zuckerburg and Facebook were interesting, and you realize that most of the questions have been written down and the people asking those questions really don’t understand the broad significance of the questions and the answers that they’re getting.

The sad thing is that Bill Clinton in 1996 nailed the problem. He identified critical infrastructure. He had great people working on his cybersecurity proposals and he nailed the problem. And he laid out the fact that we need to protect critical infrastructures because of the inherent vulnerabilities of the systems that they’re on. 25 years later, probably 27 years later now, we really haven’t made much progress. If you compare, as I did in the book, the executive orders of President Clinton, President Bush, President Obama, President Trump, and now President Biden, they look eerily alike as if somebody’s just cut and pasting every four years. Who’s running the technology parade? The technology parade is being run by the private sector: large, big tech companies. At the end of the day, I ask the following question. You may not like the politicians we have, you may not think they’re making decisions, you may not think they’re doing anything, but at the end of the day, do you want them deciding the future of your life as elected officials that you can elect or un-elect? Or do you want Jeff Bezos or Mark Zuckerberg making those decisions, because that’s who’s making those decisions today, the guys that run big tech and that’s not the world I want to live in.

Joe Kornik: Tom, it’s some pretty scary scenarios that you laid out and something that would require cooperation first in this country and then globally among other countries. It feels like a pretty daunting task, to be quite frank.

Tom Vartanian: I’m going to leave you with one example, Joe, just very briefly. Today, RSA encryption, which is the typical encryption being used by financial institutions to protect data, is a 2048-bit encryption which means the key is 2048 bits long and to make it simple, it’s very complicated keys. So, to run a brute force against a 2048-bit encryption data, you probably need 300 trillion years to break it and then you might break it on the first try, but to go through every possible permutation to break a 2048 RSA-bit encryption, you would probably need 300 trillion years. All right? Quantum computing. We are now within 10 years of having high-powered quantum computing, which will be, for some purposes, enormously powerful and enormously useful. A 4099-cubit quantum computer—and we have only now, I think we’re now just approaching 1000 cubits quantum computing— so that’s the ways off, but a 4099-cubit quantum computer can reportedly break that 2048-bit encryption, not in 300 trillion years but in 10 seconds. That’s why it’s being reported that the Chinese are gathering up all of the encrypted information they can today so they will be able to decrypt it tomorrow.

Joe Kornik: Is the United States far behind the rest of the world when it comes to this—making sure that we’re protecting ourselves?

Tom Vartanian: Yes, it’s a great question. I addressed that question in the Unhackable Internet and I said China’s going to have some severe economic problems themselves, but China’s plan is to by 2030 have the largest economy in the world, the most sophisticated technological prowess, be dominant in artificial intelligence and be dominant in quantum computing. If they do those four things, that’s not going to be a good day for the United States of America, and they’re outspending us in each of those areas. They’re outspending us in artificial intelligence, they’re outspending us in quantum computing. They have built bigger quantum networks than we have built. Right? I think we’re thinking like people who have been on top, not realizing it’s harder to stay on top than it is to get there, and everybody else is running fast to get to where we are. We’ve got to spend the money judiciously to guarantee our future in the technological sense.

Joe Kornik: Last question for me, Tom and that’s how optimistic are you about the future when you put it all together and take a look over the next—let’s say 2030 and beyond, how optimistic are you that we’ll get most of this right?

Tom Vartanian: I think we’re getting most of everything wrong today and that makes me pessimistic. I mean, you can talk at any level: social, cultural, financial, political. We just seem to be getting so many things wrong and I equate it to a lack of the ability to prioritize. I think we’ve lost our capacity to prioritize the issues that are really, really important. I think we will continue to muddle along and do just fine as long as everybody else is doing worse, but as other countries and other systems begin to do better, it’s going to shine a light on the flaws in our system. It’s going to shine a light on the archaic makeup of our regulatory system. It’s going to shine a light on the fact that we’re focused on the wrong issues at the wrong time for the wrong reasons. It’s going to focus the light on the fact that we’ve let so much of the financial services business that takes consumer dollars be completely unregulated.

I am what I call guardedly pessimistic. I mean we seem to muddle along and do just fine, but when you look at something over a long trendline, which I look— I tend to look at 25-year trendlines—you can see we’re not going in the right direction on any of these issues and I wrote in one in op-ed that I thought the only solution to those problems was better leadership. I concluded that we just weren’t electing at any level the kinds of leaders we need to confront and solve these issues and that to me is the fundamental problem that we’ve got and unless we were able to stand up as voters and say, “Look, you got to give us better candidates.”

Joe Kornik: Sure. That seems like almost an unsolvable problem. I hope I’m wrong, but that seems like a really, really difficult one to fix.

Tom Vartanian: Yes. No, I agree, that’s why I’m guardedly pessimistic.

Joe Kornik: Well, Tom, you’ve given us a lot to think about today. I appreciate the time, the insights and the conversation. Thanks so much.

Tom Vartanian: Thanks, Joe. Thanks for having me. I really appreciate it.

Joe Kornik: Thank you for watching the VISION by Protiviti Interview. On behalf of Tom Vartanian, I’m Joe Kornik. We’ll see you next time.

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From trust to tech equity to transparency, governments have issues. Is digitization the fix?

From trust to tech equity to transparency, governments have issues. Is digitization the fix?

The trend is incontrovertible: Sentiment is at an all-time low when it comes to whether Americans “trust the government to do what’s right almost always/most of the time.” According to the Pew Research Center, only 16% agreed in 2023, compared to 54% in 2001. The all-time high was 77% back in 1964. Yes, there was a time more than three out of every four Americans trusted the government to “almost always” do what’s right. Today, it’s fewer than one in six.


ABOUT

Mauro F. Guillén
Vice Dean
Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania

Mauro F. Guillén is Professor of Management and Vice Dean at The Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania. An expert on global market trends, Guillén combines his training as a sociologist and as a business economist in his native Spain to identify and quantify opportunities at the intersection of demographic, economic, and technological developments. He is the author of 2030: How Today’s Biggest Trends Will Collide and Reshape the Future of Everything, and The Perennials: The Megatrends Creating a Post-Generational Society.

In a survey worded somewhat differently and conducted internationally, only 31% of Americans said they had “confidence in the national [federal] government,” compared to 84% in Switzerland, 69% in Sweden, 61% in Germany, and 43% in Japan.

Yet, we know government is necessary. The market economy does not function well without the public provision of education, pensions, transportation, the rule of law, defense, security, and a host of basic “public” goods such as air traffic control, maritime signaling or weather forecasting. Even proponents of the “minimal state” see a role for regulation to play.

During times of crisis, most recently the coronavirus pandemic—governments stepped up with varying degrees of success to protect citizens from the fallout and to prevent the economy from collapsing. And just as in the private sector, the pandemic invited governments to significantly step up their digital presence. Has e-government lived up to expectations? Has it contributed to enhanced participation, quality, and efficiency? Can the digitization of government service be the panacea for the public sector?

The emergence of e-government

Aside from all the misgivings that citizens continue to have about their governments, perhaps the biggest change in the interaction between the two has involved digitalization. Regardless of whether people find government services useful, efficient, or even appropriate, the truth of the matter is that connecting with the government, accessing a program, and getting “paperwork” done has become greatly facilitated by new information technologies.

According to the United Nations’ biennial e-Government Development Index, which takes into consideration online services, human capital and the telecommunications infrastructure in equal proportions, the top ten countries in 2022 were Denmark, Finland, South Korea, New Zealand, Sweden, Iceland, Estonia, the Netherlands, the U.S., and the UK.

Being within this elite group, however, does not mean that every citizen benefits. In the case of the U.S., for example, access to information technologies is much more unequal than in any of the other top countries. Not surprisingly, this digital divide is more prevalent with those groups who have less access to technology, including people who are living below the poverty line, undocumented immigrants, people with disabilities or mental health issues, and seniors.

France Belanger and Janine Hiller, from the Virginia Polytechnic Institute, proposed a five-stage model for an e-government: information, two-way communication, transaction, integration and political participation. Most governments have sought at various levels to offer services within each of these stages, but without fully deploying each of them.

As a result, the current state of e-government is fairly fragmented, incomplete, and in need of rationalization. This situation creates unique security and privacy risks due to the different protocols and standards that characterize legacy and new IT systems.

Regardless of whether people find government services useful, efficient, or even appropriate, the truth of the matter is that connecting with the government, accessing a program, and getting “paperwork” done has become greatly facilitated by new information technologies.

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e-government

Technological frontiers

The adoption of cutting-edge technologies in e-government is very heterogeneous. Even in an advanced country like the U.S., only about half of federal agencies are on the cloud. The U.S. government is well behind the private sector in the use of blockchain and AI.

Another critical area for the future will be the use of digital tokens in general and cryptocurrencies in particular. In 2018, Ohio became the first (and only) state to allow taxpayers to settle their obligations in cryptocurrency, although the program was suspended in 2019 citing “legal issues.”

Only El Salvador and the Central African Republic accept cryptocurrencies as legal tender. In the U.S., the recent SEC approval of spot bitcoin exchange-traded funds (ETFs) does not necessarily pave the way towards the government’s acceptance of payments in cryptocurrency. Rather, it reinforces the message that the likes of bitcoin are crypto-assets rather than means of payment.

Data security concerns

Looming large in the background of most e-government developments are data security concerns. The use of cloud computing has led to several high-profile hackings, especially the cyberattack on the U.S. State Department in 2023.

Doubts persist as to the security of recent projects such as the Department of Homeland Security’s system to share information across agencies involved in disaster relief and major sporting events; the U.S. Treasury’s system to process payments; the Labor Department’s effort to consolidate case management systems; and the Department of Agriculture’s management of federal lands.

The Government Accountability Office found in a detailed review that only three of 15 government systems had continuous monitoring of their cloud systems, and issued a set of recommendations that most private-sector companies have been following for years. As noted above, the incomplete online migration of government services to the most advanced technologies, which continue to coexist with antiquated legacy systems, poses formidable challenges in terms of data security.

Accountability, transparency and privacy

It is not clear either that e-government has led to greater transparency, participation, and accountability. In general, information technologies tend to give a false sense of improvement when it comes to transparency and accountability. Governments around the world continue to be criticized on both counts. Research also indicates that transparency can be at odds with privacy. The problem is that, on the one hand, e-government potentially makes information more readily available and easy to publicize. But, on the other, privacy can become a huge issue.

Even if security against data breaches were guaranteed, privacy can still be a big problem. Most citizens are apprehensive when it comes to sharing data with the government. The use of IT essentially means that every interaction with a government agency leaves a digital footprint. In addition, companies might be ordered by the government to surrender data about their customers.

Most citizens are apprehensive when it comes to sharing data with the government. The use of IT essentially means that every interaction with a government agency leaves a digital footprint. 

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hand touching screen

In the U.S., the Government Accountability Office has noted that electronically stored information about citizens includes their school and health records, their extensive dealings with companies, and their interaction with governments. No wonder Americans are feeling increasingly “concerned, confused, and feeling lack of control over their personal information,” as a recent Pew Research Center study concluded.

Moreover, U.S. adults are more apprehensive about how the government might use their private information than about how companies may do so. In a recent study, the Center for Digital Government concluded that “efforts to address digital privacy are in the nascent stages.” The most significant threat continues to be data breaches. But data governance more broadly is also a concern.

Does e-government reduce costs?

One of the most interesting issues around e-government is the finding that increased participation leads to a decline in efficiency. Investments in IT are expensive, especially because they also require investments in training and education of both government workers and citizens.

In 1987, Nobel laureate Robert Solow formulated what came to be known as the IT productivity paradox when he observed that “you can see the computer age everywhere but in the productivity statistics.” In this respect, e-government appears to be no different than the private sector. One cross-national study found that investments in e-government increased effectiveness but not efficiency.

Much remains to be done in terms of changing the public’s perceptions about government—in the U.S. in particular, where less than a third of adults express confidence in it. The use of IT can help, but governments must also clarify what the goals are—namely, accountability, transparency, increased access, effectiveness, and efficiency—especially when these goals find themselves at odds with one another.

Americans are feeling increasingly “concerned, confused, and feeling lack of control over their personal information,” a recent Pew Research Center study concluded.

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